Archaeology And Patterns Of Trade Iron Age Europe History Essay

Archaeology And Patterns Of Trade Iron Age Europe History Essay In the Iron Age most European communities would have been linked together to some degree and this can be seen as a continuation of contact established during the Bronze Age (Piggott 1965: 174). Peaceful trade between these communities, for goods that were either a basic necessity or possibly just desirable, would happen for a number of reasons, none of them mutually exclusive, such as exploitation, cross-cultural interchange or mutually beneficial exchange (Woolf 1993: 211). When considering what archaeology can tell us about this trade, according to Collis (1984: 15),there is a common assumption that it divides into the three spatial patterns of long distance, inter-regional and local trade However, this differentiation may only be a modern construct that would not have been recognised by Iron Age communities (Wells 2008: 356-8). This essay will use some of the material culture available from burials, hoards and settlements to examine each pattern in turn looking at the objects trad ed, how trade was organised, why and who was involved in an attempt to assess whether or not the archaeological evidence supports this largely economic model. Before any assessment can be undertaken it is important to define the terms Trade and Iron Age as they are used in this essay. Trade is used here to describe any transaction intended to acquire goods not available in the local environment, which are either required for basic physical needs or are desirable, through purchase, barter or exchange for other goods (Wells 2008: 357). The process of goods or gift exchange was also in operation at this time and this term is used to describe the distribution of goods as a social interaction between communities aimed at increasing wealth, prestige or status (Wells 2008: 356-7). From the available evidence it is not always possible to tell the difference between these two systems and in fact Iron Age communities may not have differentiated so the two interactions can be interpreted as forming a continuum with traded goods being passed out from centres of trade to the rural periphery via exchange (Wells 2008: 358). The Iron Age was widespread across Central Europe by the 7th century BC and lasted until the Roman conquest in the 1st century BC. Traditionally It is divided into two phases, the Early Iron Age from 750-450BC, which is also termed Hallstatt after the type site in Austria, and the Late Iron Age from 450-50BC also known as La Tene from the type site in Switzerland (Darvill 2008: 215). This essay will use Early or Late Iron Age when referring to time periods, Hallstatt or La Tene when referring to artefact styles. Long distance trade is the easiest to detect in the archaeological record through the identification of foreign or exotic goods (Collis 1984: 15-16). In the Early Iron Age trade was stimulated by the metal using state societies of the Mediterranean , principally Greece and Etruria , as they sought sources of the basic raw materials like tin, copper, iron and salt to fuel their growing economies (Collis 1984: 15). Apart from Baltic amber and Mediterranean coral Europe had a plentiful supply of these basic raw materials locally available so the main import was in manufactured goods like the Attic pottery, Greek amphorae and Etruscan bronze vessels found at the Vix grave on Mont Lassois in France and the Heuneburg in Germany. These demonstrate trade as opposed to a social bond but are also indicative of links between the elites of Western Europe and the Mediterranean for the supply of feasting equipment and wine (Wells 1995: 231). The presence of elaborate graves with rich assemblages o f local products found in context with imported objects such as those found at Durrnberg in Austria which contained glass vessels from Italy, sword handles from Africa and vessels from Slovenia or grave 6 at Hohmichele on the Heuneburg , which contained silk textile from the far east, are indicative of long distance trade in prestige or luxury goods rather than social interaction (Wells 2008: 363). Colonies, such as Marseille founded by the Phocaeans in 600BC, were established by the Mediterranean societies to open up new trading markets (Milisauskas 1978: 270) as can be evidenced by the trade in wine and luxury items up the Rhone valley to central Europe (Greene 1990: 116), although not all Mediterranean drinking gear found in central Europe came via this route. Items such as the beaker flagons found in the Vix grave may have come via alpine routes from the Etruscan controlled Po valley (Cunliffe 1999: 62). Correspondingly the Early Iron Age saw the rise of European towns like the Heuneburg and Mont Lassois, with large populations and high levels of production and trade, which acted as core centres in local areas importing foodstuffs and raw materials from rural periphery for inter-regional exchange and distributing finished goods locally (Wells 1980: 46-47). In the Late Iron Age these towns were replaced by oppida like Manching in Bavaria and Bibracte in France which fulfille d a similar role. These oppida were also used as ports of trade and may have been established to attract and increase trade rather than to restrict or control it (Woolf 1993: 211). Following the foundation of the colonies feasting and drinking artefacts from Greek and Etruscan workshops appear in graves of the European aristocracy indicating the presence of well established trading links between central Europe and the Mediterranean (Cunliffe 2010: 462). It could therefore be assumed that that this elite aristocracy were in control of trade however there is evidence at the Heuneburg and Narbo for the presence of a merchant class who bring wine and other Mediterranean goods to the native markets and exchange them for raw materials, slaves and, as their population grew, foodstuffs (Nash 1984: 92-94). This trend continues into the Late Iron Age, when following a hiatus after Greece turns eastwards for trade in the 5th Century BC, contact with the Mediterranean is renewed in 2nd century BC, and there is evidence from Magdalensberg near Salzburg for trade being in the hands of Italian merchants with no evidence for native traders (Collis 2002: 31). Not all long distance trade was in luxury or prestige goods. The potential for interchange of rituals, ideas, technologies or even specialists should not be ignored nor should the smaller, domestic or lifestyle products like brooches and pins. It may be that the European elite in the towns and oppida acted as a core for the redistribution of these commodities in their local area or inter-regionally as the distribution of artefacts made from a variety of raw materials and involving the use of many technologies can be taken as indicating a defined social hierarchy within a settled society (Phillips 1980: 266). Inter-regional trade, or rather at this level exchange, can be described as the movement of goods between communities that share cultural similarities (Collis 1984: 15-16). For example, in the Late Iron Age objects found in graves from France, Austria and Bohemia and ornamented in the La Tene style would seem to indicate a social link between regional elites who express their cultural similarity and identity through material culture (Wells 2008: 363). The objects exchanged may be similar in form to those produced in the local environment and this exchange is traditionally seen as a social rather than economic event. To this end there is no merchant class involved in the transaction as it is based on family and kin relationships (Collis 1984: 15-16). Occurring more in the Early rather than the Late Iron Age it is characterized by gift exchange between the powerful members of peer societies possibly representing not only trade but also tribute, ransom, dowry payments or even wedding gi fts (Wells 1995: 239). This may also represent the practice of reciprocity whereby goods were given as a social interaction between elite members of society, not in the expectation of immediate exchange, but rather as a long term investment whereby reciprocation was made by the provision of services, labour, goods or even trading treaties (Nash 1984: 93-4). Stretching Europe slightly to include south-west Britain will allow the trade between Alet in France and Hengistbury Head to be used as a case study. The discovery of an iron anchor and chain dating from the 1st century BC at Bulbury in Dorset can be interpreted as providing evidence for maritime trade between continental Europe and Britain (Cunliffe 2010: 480). Hengistbury Head was a designated port of trade used by the local elite to control the flow of goods both into and out of Britain whilst utilizing the foreign trade relationship to increase their advantage over their regional periphery (Nash 1984: 93). Goods such as iron from the Hengistbury area, non-ferrous metals from the Mendips and Kimmeridge shale were exchanged with Alet, via a short haul sea crossing to the Channel Islands and thence to the port of Reginca, for Mediterranean pottery, prestige finished goods and wine (Languet 1984: 73). This is evidenced by the presence of Dressel 1A amphorae, glass and fine ware potte ry from Northern Italy at Hengistbury Head and changes in the local manufacture of ceramics, bronze and iron artefacts that are indicative of inter-regional exchange of ideas and technologies (Cunliffe 1984: 8). Although this short range, cross-channel contact was probably based on a recurring requirement between the respective core communities it could also be interpreted as a core-periphery pattern of trade whereby Continental Europe is the core supplying finished goods and south-west Britain is the periphery providing raw materials in exchange (Nash 1984: 92). There is evidence from the vast amounts of Armorican pottery at Hengistbury Head that the Armoricans themselves may have lived there, at least for part of the year, and acted as continental agents liaising with the local communities for the exchange of goods (Cunliffe 2010: 479). The hoard from Llyn Fawr in Wales could provide evidence of this interaction as it contains Hallstatt C type artefacts ,such as iron swords and br onze discs for harness ornamentation, that are similar to types found in Belgium and southern Germany and could have been shipped via Alet to Hengistbury Head before being exchanged locally (Cunliffe 2010: 456). Thus a case can be made for regarding Hengistbury Head as the core for its immediate environment with the local rural communities as the periphery. Local trade is probably the least studied of all the patterns of trade as there is a traditional assumption that the mechanisms used are already well understood (Collis 1984: 15). The interaction between local communities was possibly based on reciprocity with the exchange of finished goods for services, labour or raw materials. The oppida of the late Iron Age, like Manching and Bibracte, and the towns of the Early Iron Age, like Mont Lassois and the Heuneburg, were not just trading centres but were also manufacturing and production sites creating their own finished goods which is evidenced by graves containing bronze objects, pottery and glass beads that reflect local patterns of trade. These manufactured goods may have formed part of a core-periphery trade with smaller local communities for food and forestry products (Wells 1995: 236). Increases in rural production, which created a local self sufficiency and provided a greater surplus for trade, engendered the conditions that allow ed for a large scale social organisation with elaborate hierarchies. The emergent elite in these hierarchies were able to engage in local trade for a wide range of goods which could also be used to foster a regular contact with other regional elites for exchange of commodities, technologies and ideas (James and Rigby 1997: 76-7). Although they are classified as elites it is possible that individuals acted as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"centresà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ for trade and the rich burials in which we find lavish prestige and luxury goods, such as the Etruscan beaked flagons found in the middle Rhine area of Europe and dated to the Late Iron Age (Cunliffe 1999: 63), indicate wealth but maybe not elite status (Collis 1984: 16). After all not all trade was in luxury or prestige goods and the presence of non-elite objects like decorative pins and brooches, such as the bronze fibulae found in the female grave at Vix (Wells 2008: 364), in a local area can be taken as representative of local trade o r exchange networks. These socio-economic systems also saw elite leaders give gifts of lesser value to those lower down the hierarchy in order to retain status and power (Cunliffe 2999: 61). The spread of items like the long slashing Grundelingen swords can be explained by simple local exchange mechanisms providing examples that are then copied (Cunliffe 2010: 449) and at Alb-Salem in WÃÆ' ¼rttemberg there have been found ceramics of a particular size and decoration distributed across an area that could be walked in a day (Wells 2008: 361). In the late Iron Age coin evidence appears to indicate that specialist workers, who mass produce goods and administer their own commercial aspects of trade, replace control by elites, initially in their local area but eventually along the whole commodity supply chain (Wells 1995: 240-1). This is further evidenced by the appearance of mass produced Roman wares in graves where they replace unique foreign imports and is paralleled by a diminution in the role played by elites and social networks as they are superseded by professional merchants in a globalised economic market (Wells 1995: 240-2). The available archaeological evidence is open to ambiguous interpretation however this essay has argued that it would seem to support the spatial model of long distance, inter-regional and local patterns of trade even though this is a modern economic construct. These patterns should not be seen as being mutually exclusive but rather as strands in a complex system of exchange mechanisms that reflect social interaction between communities, that have a symbolic as well as an economic dimension whilst moving commodities, as well as ideas and technologies, bi-directionally around Europe and the Mediterranean (Renfrew 1993: 214). It should also be borne in mind that intangibles such as slaves, foodstuffs, hides and hunting dogs will leave no trace in the archaeological record even though they were subject to the same trade and exchange systems (Cunliffe 1984: 4). However, without the benefit of written sources to enhance our understanding, what the evidence cannot prove is how the Iron Age communities themselves regarded trade. It is a possibility that they did not differentiate by region or distance but instead regarded all trade as local and based on simple exchange systems no matter what the commodity or how far it had travelled (Wells 2008: 358). As the Iron Age came to a close, with low value coinage being adopted and Rome becoming predominant in Europe and the Mediterranean, there was a move to a globalised, impersonal, commodity market that removed the need for a differentiation in trading patterns. The emergence of standardised weights, measures and prices rendered redundant the requirement for barter and exchange systems with a professional Italian merchant class controlling trade and replacing local elites who were subsumed into the Roman provincial government process (Collis 2002: 30).

History: the ancient world Essay

The region occupied by the ancient Aztec and Maya, now commonly referred to as Mesoamerica, is an area encompassing Southern and eastern Mexico, all of Guatemala, Belize an El Salvador, western and southern Honduras and the Pacific side of central America as far as the Nicoya Peninsula of Costa Rica. On the other hand, Egypt is located at the Northern part of Africa, along the Mediterranean ocean. Despite the distance between the geographical location of the two, history shows several similarities in their cultures. Ancient Mesoamerican people and the Egyptians shared a series of cultural traits; among the most striking of the two calendars of 260 and 365 days that perpetuate in a great cycle approximating fifty two years, language similarities, similar methods of construction, specifically the pyramids. There are also other similarities in their ways of life such as trading and farming among many others. Although the people inhibiting the Mesoamerica area were of many distinct cultures, often speaking mutually unintelligible languages, none the less, there was widespread contact over millennia through migrating, trade, conquest and pilgrimage. The interest in Egyptian and the Mesoamerican archeology arose in the beginning of the 19th century. It was intertwined with important local and global social political developments. Below is a discussion on some of the areas of similarity in the Egyptian and the Mesoamerican cultures. Similarities in the Egyptian and the Mesoamerican pyramids There is also a similarity in the methods of construction of the pyramids by the two cultures, based on the concept of externally oriented architecture. It is believed that the Egyptian pyramids often had temples placed at the summit of the pyramids, just as houses had been built on top of masonry platforms. For example, in the Puuc style, the stone temple facades resembled the design of the tied twig walls of the Maya house. The tendency of the early stone architecture to imitate reed or wood construction was also seen in the early Egypt. In Zozer’s pyramid complex at Saqqara, stone pillars were carved in the shape of the bundles of papyrus or the palm trees that had been used as supports in the palaces at that time. Many of the features of the Egyptian pyramids are found in the pyramids of Mesoamerica. At Uximal the pyramid complex was enclosed by a wall as were those of Egypt. Chichen Itza was also a walled city of 30 square kilometer with 7 paved roads, or sacheob, several kilometers long connecting important sites. The paved road between Uxmal and Kabah was 18 km long. These roads or sacheob, resemble the Egyptian pyramid causeways, although their geography was different. Differences in the pyramids Differences in the Egyptian and the American pyramids have already been noted, although some of them are more apparent than real. There are the differences as a result of time and function. It is said that the famous Egyptian pyramids were built before the year 2000, and the classic pyramids of Maya pyramids came 300 years after. However, history says that the Kushite revival of pyramids c-700 coincides with the construction of the early Olmec pyramids at La Venta. The pyramids of Egypt were conceived as tombs, playing an important part in the religion of the Egyptians. It has been admitted that the Mesoamerican pyramids were also important in their religion. However, the difference with the Mesoamerican pyramids is that never served as tombs, but were used for another reason. The famous Palenque is proving that at least some pyramids served as tombs in America, but for the important people of the society. There is no doubt that there was a difference in the precise religious function of the Egyptian and the Mesoamerican pyramids, although the exact purpose of the pyramids is contradictory. Also, there have been no claims to identify the composition and the construction methods of the pyramids. Whereas the Americans made extensive use of small stones, cement and stucco, the Egyptians used much larger stones while sparingly using the mortar. Astronomy and the calendar In both the Egyptian and the Mesoamerican complexes, the astronomical orientation played an important role. Both the Mesoamerican and the Egyptian civilizations had developed scientific calendars, as was common to all the agricultural societies. For this reason, they paid close attention to the solar and the lunar cycles. In Mesoamerica, close attention was given to the Venus cycle, which helped shape the calendar. Unlike the classical Greeks, the Maya knew that the morning and the evening stars were the same heavenly body (Venus). The Mesoamericans calculated that an 8-year solar cycle equaled a 5-year Venus cycle. Although the Mesoamericans knew that the solar year was a little over 365 days, they also made extensive use of a 260 day cycle which had no parallel in the Egyptian calendar. The Egyptians, on the other hand, had studied all the visible constellations in developing their star clocks. A different star was chosen every ten days (the Egyptian week) as the new decan star to mark the last hour of the night. The modern time measurement of 12 hours of day and 12 hours of night measurement had its own origin in the ancient Egypt. They had also developed a constant civil calendar of 365 days. However, the Egyptian calendar, with an early development of 4241 was far more ancient than that of Mesoamerica. Language similarity The precise history of the of the ancient languages of the people of Egypt and Mesoamerica remains a mystery even up to today, and the origin of the two cultures is also uncertain. The reason for the demise of the cultures of the people of Maya is uncertain, but the tragic devastation of the Aztec culture is all too well known. Although there is limited evidence, a number of scholars have suspected that these two regions, although from different parts of the world have come into contact between themselves during the ancient times. However, it has been denied that the encounter between these two cultures was a prolonged one. Other scholars have suggested that there could be a possibility that these two cultures never came into contact at all. Despite the contradictions among the scholars, the similarities between these two cultures are major and cannot be ignored. There is an assumption that the Egyptians and the Mesoamericans shared a common language which made it possible to exchange the ideas. The reasoning behind the similarities between the two languages is that there must have been contact between people from the two regions. There are many similarities in the linguistic correspondences between the two languages, which remove the possibility of just a contact between the Egyptians and the Mesoamericans. The possibility of a spontaneous coincidence has also been ruled out, because of the existence of similar sounds and meanings in some words. Application of Mathematics Mathematics was also developed at quite a high level in both cultures. This shows that they were able to make measurements during the construction of the pyramids, and also in other areas that could have required the application of mathematics. Today, it is clear that the Mesoamerican arithmetic is readily adaptable to the operations of multiplication and division as well as the simpler addition and subtraction operation. The difference in the numbering systems of the two cultures was that the Egyptian numbering system was additive, base 10, making extensive use of fractions and did not have a symbol for zero. On the other hand, the Mesoamerican system used base 20, was positional, was the first to invent a symbol for zero but as far as history shows, it did not use fractions. There are no detailed records of the Mesoamerican written materials, due to an order that was given by the Spanish authorities to burn down all Native American books. The Mesoamerican and the Egyptian writings were both rooted in their own separate cultures and iconography. It is not known if the first use of the paper in Mesoamerica received an impulse from Africans who were already familiar with papyrus writing materials. Several plant materials were used by the Maya of Mesoamerica to make â€Å"paper†. The famous maguey cactus and the amatl tree from which â€Å"amate† is made are some of the materials that were used to write on. Materials from the tree were soaked, washed, pounded, cut into small pieces and pounded again, a process that is not so different from that of making the papyri. Farming activities Both the Egyptians and the Mesoamericans relied on agriculture for food. During the early years, the Maya of Mesoamerica started civilizing. They built small radiating canal systems in a low rainfall area of the Yucatan Peninsula of Mexico, which is assumed to have been used to irrigate crops. Irrigation was so important, as more than 85% of all the farming in Mesoamerica relied on canal irrigation. In Egypt, farming was common along river Nile. Irrigation was at first done through the over flooding water from the river at the farms along the river. Later on, they adopted the method of fetching water and pouring it directly to the crops, which was later on replaced with the digging of canals to redirect the water to the farms. Trade in Egypt and Mesoamerica Due to the farming activities along the river Nile, the people of Egypt engaged themselves in trading activities amongst themselves. They then upgraded to trading with the people of Mesopotamia, and later on with those from the kingdom of Kush towards the South. There are historians who believe that the Egyptian picture writing, or hieroglyphics, was developed from Sumerian cuneiform as a result of trade contracts with Mesopotamia. In Mesoamerica, long distance trade first developed in Maya. The first of these was a shift in the bulk of east west commerce from the ancient pre classic trade routes along the Pacific coastal plain and the coast of Yucatan to the central-Maya routes through the highlands and, more important, along the rivers across the lowlands. The second development was the emergence of a new Mesoamerican power centre at Teotihuacan, which was able to re-unify the long distance trade network during the early classic period. The trade differences in the two societies could be as a result of the differences in the goods traded by the two societies. Although they all specialized in farming practices, they planted different crops, which they used as trading commodities. Conclusion There are many similarities between the Mesoamericans and the Egyptians. Although it is not clear to any historians how these similarities came to be, the possibility of a mere coincidence in the cultures has been out ruled. This essay has highlighted some of the some of the areas of similarity such as the pyramids, the calendars, farming activities and trade, to prove a relation in the cultures of the Mesoamericans and the Egyptians. However, more research needs to be done to prove how these people from difference continents came to adopt such similar cultures. Future research should also focus on finding out whether there are other ways of life that the two cultures shared. Reference 1) Jerry H. Bentley, Herbert F. Ziegler, â€Å"Traditions and Encounters†, 4th edition, Boston: McGraw-Hill, 2008. ISBN 978-0-07-333062-4

The Case Of The First Waco Horror - 1206 Words

Farming was the way of life for a majority of Texans up until the Great Depression. Life was simple and cyclical—planting, waiting, harvesting, and selling. This cycle, broken only by racial violence, was all Texans knew. However, as Texas grew increasingly connected to the modern world, through technology, a global economy, and an expanding role for the United States Federal government, that simple life began to change, and not necessarily for the better. All three books show this shift and the effect on the life of everyday Texans. In the case of The First Waco Horror, increasing connectivity to the United States and even the world helped to begin to change the view of Lynching and the anti-lynching movement gained†¦show more content†¦Bernstein’s book focuses on how connectivity helped to end lynching, as well as how it increased lynching. The NAACP used the lynching of Jesse Washington to spread awareness of the atrocities committed in the South and the n eed to stop them. As Bernstein points out, the Jesse Washington lynching, â€Å"was just the barest beginning of a battle that would last for many years† (Bernstein 174). News of the Jesse Washington lynching spread around the United States, and even made its way to a British Newspaper (Bernstein 130). The national and international news coverage began the battle to increase public awareness, and would eventually lead the dying out of lynchings done by huge crowds. Lynching, however, is an enigma because increasing connectivity led to more awareness of the issue, but it also increased lynching. As population shifted and the U.S. became more interconnected, for example, during WWI, a rise in the need for Anglos to control their ever-changing environment led to a resurgence of the KKK in the 1920s. Lynching increased as a method of social control and while it was more socially inappropriate, the number of lynchings did not decrease significantly until after WWII. Therefore, in the case of racial violence, increased connectivity was a double-edged sword. Sitton and Utley’s book is a compilation of interviews from small landowners in Texas, whose existence was a combination of subsistence farming and production of

Learning Organizations The American Red Cross - 1464 Words

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